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The end of the dream: Clara Lazar Geroe and the Melbourne Institute of Psychoanalysis, 1940- 1945

08 Tuesday Jan 2019

Posted by Christine in 1940s, Clara Geroe

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Biography, Clara Geroe, History, Hungarian influence, Melbourne, refugee analysts, the end of the dream, Winn in Sydney wanted Clara to live there.

On 17th August 1940 the Sydney based psychoanalyst Roy Coupland Winn wrote to Clara Geroe,the Hungarian trained psychoanalyst who had arrived in Australia on a refugee Visa five months earlier. ‘Considering the fact that there seems little likelihood of starting an institute in Melbourne, why not practise in Sydney? You, [Siegfried] Fink and I could commence a clinic’. Fink was a German born psychoanalyst, also refugee, who had arrived in 1938. Winn continued:  ‘It may be a mistaken idea but I think that three analysts would make more rapid progress than two, just as two than one; I am of the opinion that analysts tend to advertise and feed each other, partly because as the practice of each is necessarily small each has to send any overflow that arises to be done by others; thus each also receives advertisement from each other’.

It was a tempting offer.  Clara Geroe and her family had landed in Melbourne on the strength of a promise, a donation of five thousand pounds by a benefactor, Lorna Traill, for the commencement of an institute for psychotherapy.   The family was on its way to Sydney, she wrote later.  A place like Buda, with hills all around but close to the sea. But a Melbourne based psychiatrist Dr Paul Dane – a man with a dream – had  argued, successfully, that the Traill funds were to be used to establish an institute for psychoanalysis along the lines of the British one headed by Ernest Jones. In Melbourne.  Dane had written to Jones about it. Jones, in turn, always a supporter of psychoanalysis, particularly if it was a medical enterprise, encouraged its development. But the donation had not materialized. Traill had withdrawn her offer. Negotiations were continuing. Geroe had had to wait it out.

In her reply to Winn Geroe said that the Melbourne group had managed to retrieve a thousand pounds from Traill.  Another five hundred pounds was  promised if the Institute was opened on the benefactor’s birthday. It was barely a viable figure but Ernest Jones had given the project his blessing. Sydney though would be sidelined.  It would be only a Melbourne Institute for Psychoanalysis, Geroe continued. Not the Australian Institute originally envisaged. Geroe would have preferred to start small she wrote in her notebooks. She would have liked to have built up a following before launching such a complex project as an Institute. But Traill had made the condition  that an institute was founded with the funds. Geroe could do no more than shrug her shoulders and comply.

The Melbourne Institute for Psychoanalysis was duly opened on 11 October 1940, Lorna Traill’s birthday. Roy Winn made the long journey from Sydney to attend. Judge Foster from the Children’s Court led the proceedings. A coterie of psychiatrists – Reg Ellery, Norman Albiston, Albert Phillips among them, all attended along with  local educationalists, nurses and workers from the Children’s Court Clinic. In July 1941 Geroe was made a member of the British Institute of Psychoanalysis and appointed as a training analyst. Jones, one might say, had captured the Australian Dominion for his Empire.

All the while Geroe was bitter, sad, and upset about having to leave the intellectual, cafe culture of Budapest. She was trying to settle into Melbourne,  in a land on the other side of the world, far from the pastoral beauty to which she was accustomed. As far as she was concerned Melbourne was a back-water. If her husband’s decision to leave Hungary and Nazi Europe was prescient, Geroe was a trailing spouse. She was not accepted by the Australian government on the basis of the work as a psychoanalyst. In fact none of the six psychoanalysts with whom she had applied for a visa, first to New Zealand and when that was refused, to Australia, were considered eligible for entry. Her husband’s experience as an accounts manager in a factory making magnesium bricks was most probably the reason for the family’s acceptance. That, and his decision to seek the assistance of a local Sydney solicitor, Eric Jones who, somehow, managed to obtain visas for the family.  Their own application  made directly to the Australian government through Australia House in London had failed two weeks earlier. The Geroe family left Budapest on 20 January 1940.

On Friday  20 April 1945, about four years after the opening of the  Melbourne Institute of Psychoanalysis, three of the Board members met with Clara Geroe, at the office at 111 Collins Street, the rooms rented from the Union Bank of Australia by Dr Paul Dane.  Dane, the founder of the Institute, along with psychiatrists Guy Reynolds and Albert Phillips had called the meeting ‘to deal with the matter of the renewal of Dr Geroe’s agreement with the Institute’.

Geroe was employed by the Institute as its resident training analyst on  14 January 1941.  Her  second two year  contract expired on 14th January 1945.  By April 1945 it was clear that the Institute’s financial position was such that ‘it could not be renewed’.  At this stage it was agreed that Clara would continue at the Institute for a salary of four guineas a week. Of this she would pay three guineas a week a rent for the use of the rooms, telephone and so on. Five hours of her time would be devoted to the Institute’s Clinic, providing services on behalf of the Institute.

Matters did not improve. On 3rd August 1945, another meeting was held, this time to discuss Dr Paul Dane’s decision to resign as Chair of the Board. The Institute’s financial situation was more than  perilous: Dane, it appeared, had fallen behind in his rental payments – perhaps  a result of his absence through illness.  He owed forty five pounds to the Institute. But Clara and her husband, Vilmos,  a trained accountant, had compiled a financial statement and proposal showing that the Institute could continue  for a further thirteen months. ‘It was decided to carry on’, the psychiatrist Reg Ellery noted in the Minutes. He continued, ‘Dr Geroe proposed to continue her work for the Institute without a fee’. This, of course, ‘was willingly agreed to’.  Geroe took on Dane’s share of the rent and his rooms, with the proviso that he could return at any time. Frank Graham, Geroe’s first trainee was elected as a member of the Board.

On 23 September 1945 a third meeting was held between Geroe, Graham, Ellery and Guy Reynolds. Paul Dane had decided to take twelve months leave of absence on consenting to withdraw his resignation as Chairperson. An Acting Chairperson, Albert Phillips,  was appointed.  Clara Geroe was elected to the Board and, along with Dane and Graham,  approved as a subtenant of  111 Collins Street.

Most importantly Clara Geroe was recognized by the Board as ‘no longer an employee of the Institute but  ‘voluntarily agrees to give without any renumeration the same services [to the Institute’s Clinic]  as heretofore; and that her previous agreement with the Institute is null and void since 3rd August 1945’.

And so Clara Geroe’s psychoanalytic career, begun in Hungary in 1926, entered its longest phase.

 

References:

 

Roy Winn to Clara Geroe 17 August 1940

Clara Geroe – draft reply to Winn, c August 1940

Clara Geroe, notebooks in English language, c. 1940.

Minutes of the Board of the Melbourne Institute of Psychoanalysis – No 20, 20 April, 1945;

No 21 undated; No 22, 3 August 1945; No 23, 28 September 1945.

‘Civilisation’ and ‘The Inner Self’

07 Tuesday Feb 2012

Posted by Christine in lectures

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Australia, controversy, culture, History, psychoanalysis, religion

On 21 September 1921 Elton Mayo, Professor of Psychology and Philosophy at the University of Queensland, fulfilled an invitation to give the second Douglas Price Memorial Lecture. Mayo, known for his interest in Freud’s work had his own practice as a psychotherapist in Brisbane. With physician Dr T H Mathewson he studied the causes of nervous breakdown particularly its use in treatment of war veterans and shell shocked soldiers. As did his contemporaries, Tasman Lovell at the University of  Sydney and Philip Le Couteur at the University of Western Australia, Mayo established the first psychology course at the University of Queenland and in 1919 and 1920 worked  to establish a training program in medical psychology. He was particularly keen to develop a strong research base to underpin  trainings in experimental psychology and psychoanalysis. Shortly after giving this lecture Mayo departed for Melbourne where he gave a series of lectures on psychoanalysis to medical students. At the beginning of 1923 he departed for the United States for further training. He never returned to live in Australia.

Why Mayo was invited to give this, the second of what would be four Douglas Price Memorial lectures, struck my interest. Clearly the audience would include people interested in the new disciplines – psychology and psychoanalysis. Freud’s work was increasingly reported in the local press. Mayo was known for the psychology course he had developed at the University of Queensland – and made it into Joy Damousi’s list of pioneer Australian psychoanalytical thinkers. But the identity of Douglas Price has disappeared. He is not listed in the Australian Dictionary of Biography.  The National Library’s site, Trove,  provides little information about Price beyond a couple of book titles and pointers to the newspaper collection. Google provides a few clues. A short history of All Saints Church in Brisbane, published by D.L. Kissick in 1937, reveals that Price held the post of Rector at All Saints Anglican Church in Brisbane from 1903 to 1911. He was Principal of Brisbane’s Anglican Theological College. Price edited a small paper, The Cygnet, until 1911. From 1912 to his death in December 1916, he edited The Modernist publishing in both items on literature, poetry and philosophy. Kissick explained how Price’s preaching increasingly conflicted with High Anglican Church doctrines of the Divine Nature of Christ. Describing these years as ‘the saddest and most disheartening
in the history of the  ( Brisbane All Saints) parish’, Kissick outlinedPrice’s doctrinal differences with the Anglican Church. These eventually led to the Bishop forcing Price’s resignation in January 1911 and departure in April 1911. For Kissick Price

led his followers by devious ways from the reality in a search for a vain chimera of a religion of reason, from the true Faith to the man-made tenets of Modernism... ‘He finally denied Christ to be the son of God, holding there to be many sons of God and of himself he said ” I aspire to pass all barriers, even the bounds of personality, to yield myself to illimitable love, for I know I am one with God’.

Kissick’s short biography continued – not without its tenor of satisfaction as the movement Price founded eventually died away.

The Rev. D. Price then founded the Brisbane movement known as “Progressive Christianity” or “Modernism,” and was its guiding spirit until his untimely death in 1916. It is interesting to note that his last public address given on the Sunday before his death was entitled “Intolerance.” In 1921 it is said that the movement which he had led had become “moribund if not entirely dead.”

As Buckridge* notes Price’s ideas developed to the point of rejecting the doctrines of the Trinity, the Atonement, the Virgin Birth, the Resurrection and the Divinity of Jesus. Drawing from a  Ralston’s portrait of Price delivered in 1920, Buckridge describes how ‘against ssuperstition and sectarian bigotry’, Price argued ‘that the true object of religion was to foster our moral passion through an appreciation of the wisdom, goodness and beauty of the human heart as manifested in the moral, intellectual and artistic achievements of human beings of all ages and creeds’. He was ‘favourably disposed to the “science” of eugenics, and to a belief in reincarnation’. Quoting historian Jill Roe, Buckridge notes that Price  ‘made common cause with liberal Unitarians in Sydney and Adelaide,and with the Theosophists, whose world leader, Annie Besant, he publicly defended from attacks by Fundamentalists on the occasion of her visit to Brisbane in 1908’. ( Roe in Buckridge, 2006).

Price, a poet and novelist was a single man. He was devoted to his God, his work and enormously popular with his congregation. One of his  sermons, summarised in the Brisbane Courier  of 12 March 1910 reads as a commentary on the relationship between inner selves and the outer world – matters occupying psychoanalytic theorists for the next decades. Read alongside the scriptural based sermons of his colleagues, Price’s command of language – and knowledge of ‘the human beings as living and struggling in their daily lives’ is outstanding. Let’s listen and watch as he quietly mounts the pulpit and begins:

We are born as from a quiet sleep, and we die into a calm awakening, but between that sleep and awakening the possibilities of our being seem to be well nigh endless, but it is possible that we may learn to control the health of our bodies by the power of our minds; that telepathy may be so developed us to become of real use; that some sure means may be found of communicating with “the dead; that clairvoyant vision may supersede the use of telescopes and microscopes. He is a fool who lays down the law as to what is impossible. A nearer and more important possibility than any of ‘these is to learn to live at peace with one’s temperament. It is not our circumstances which mould our life, but the disposition we carry into those circumstances. Sorrow, for instance, is tempera- mental; it comes more from without than, from within; some natures attract it as the moon attracts the sea. Charles Dickens had many troubles, but he rose buoyantly  above them. Amiel would have been sad, though his every wish had been obeyed. The innermost part of us is the mysterious, wonderful and possibly divine. The outermost part of us has a somewhat clumsy envelope, full of obsolete growths, and seldom so beautiful as we could wish. Between soul and body is another wrapping, or series of wrappings, we call ”temperament,” almost as limit ing .as our physical overcoat. This it ia which determines our way of looking at things. Possibly it is not part of our eternal being, but for the time being it is ours “for better or for worse.” We were not asked what kind of a temperament we would like any more than we were asked to choose our bodies.

Quite a different story emerges from the newspaper archive.Brisbane’s Courier followed his story from the time of Price’s dismissal as Rector of All Saints in December 1910 through to his death – and beyond. Rather than Price leading a bunch of followers from the church, as Kissick stated, Price’s congregation protested to the church hierarchy about its  treatment of him.  On learning of the Bishop’s demand for Price’s resignation, members of the Congregation met in January 1911 to protest it. Upon Price’s departure in April 1911 a group defected to form the Progressive Christians or Modernists Group.The Courier newspaper was the message bank. In December 1912  notices appeared stating  Price had accepted the Modernist’s invitation to return to Australia as their leader. Price’s sudden and untimely death in December 1916 is not explained  although Kissick infers that he suffered from a painful illness. After this the Modernists continued meeting and, in 1920,  inaugurated the first of the Annual Douglas Price Memorial Lectures with Meredith Atkinson, Professor of Sociology at the University of Sydney as speaker.

More published information about Mayo is available. Not only has he a place in the Australian Dictionary Biography but he is the subject of a biographical work The Enduring Legacy of Elton Mayo, published by Richard Trahair and  Abraham Zaleznik in 1984. Mayo completed a year of medical training in 1901 but after becoming disenchanted with it, worked as a journalist before studying philosophy and psychology and developing his interest in Freud’s work. His initial career as an industrial psychologist, and  psychotherapist in Australia was followed by a long period in the United States from 1923 where he became known for his work in business and organisational psychology. Mayo was from a high achieving family: his Adelaide based sibling, Dr Helen Mayo, was well-regarded for her work on infant mortality and parent education during the early decades of the twentieth century.

Mayo’s oration, ‘Psychology and Religion’ was published and found its way to reviewers as far afield as  Perth’s Western Mail newspaper which produced a summary of his main points.  Mayo seems to have set out to prove the veracity of Price’s views. Popular resentment of church authority ‘had almost died away’, he noted. People were more willing to assess for themselves the value  the religious practices for themselves. Education and reading enabled them to disentangle these from philosophical and theological questions. ‘This last distinction has indeed become explicit in the churches themselves’, he noted:

It is evidenced in the insistence of the High Church Anglicans upon the value of religious practices as compared with religious discussions; also in their teaching that the ‘proof’ of Christianity is to be found not in the deductive or inductive logical processes, but in the personal experience of religious ecstasy.

Mayo’s focus, the focus, the psychology of religion, led to some interesting statistical facts. Citing a 1900 publication, Starbuck’s Psychology of Religion, in which the writer  had gathered material from ‘1265 cases – 1011 males and 254 females’ drawn from a variety of locales, vocations, and churches, Mayo noted that conversion is a distinctly adolescent phenomenon beginning at the age of 7 or 8 years, ‘increasing gradually up to the age of 10 and then rapidly to 16; rapidly declining to 20 and gradually falling away after that’. 

It was not to be considered as a manifestation of developing sexuality – perhaps a reference to Freud’s work – but recognised as part of the adolescent period of growth ‘in which the intellectual and emotional powers of the individual undergo a general and marked development; puberty is one aspect of such development’.

Mayo’s argument appears to have taken up Price’s idea of the self being at one with God.  ,Civilisation brought together ‘the racial impulses’ a person had inherited and ability to ‘control such development by personal ideals of intellectual and practical achievement’, he argued. One’s strived  towards a unity of self and then seek a corresponding unity in the universe about. Every separate thing is not as a thing in itself but part of a whole. One finds separateness, away from the ‘racial’ material from which one is constructed but then, Mayo argues, one is ‘compelled to merge the new-found self’ in the universe again. He concludes ‘It is in thought and feeling of this order that the religious experience, properly so-called takes its rise’.

Price’s thinking spoke to many in his congregation – a matter that the Bishops and Church hierarchy may have appreciated even as they rejected his heresy. As Mayo’s lecture also suggests,perhaps these people identified with the very human struggle he was able to articulate in his lectures –  for the ability to find and live with one’s self and one’s temperament – the struggle,  later articulated by psychoanalytic theorists since – and by those people who attempt this journey in the psychoanalytic consulting room.


Joy Damousi, Freud in the Antipodes,A Cultural History of Psychoanalysis in Australia, Sydney, UNSW Press, 2005.

Ralston, A. “Douglas Price: A Biographical Sketch.” The Place of Ethics and Religion
in Education. Ed. Meredith Atkinson. Brisbane: Government Printer, 1920.
5-17.

Roe, Jill. Beyond Belief: Theosophy in Australia, 1879-1939. Sydney: New South Wales
UP, 1986, pp. 319-320.

Rilke – on History

09 Tuesday Aug 2011

Posted by Christine in research

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History, Nothing is new, Rilke

I discovered this paragraph on the very beautiful blog about the German poet, Rainer Maria Rilke: ‘A Year With Rilke’ – at http://yearwithrilke.blogspot.com/ . It echoes  my thoughts on thinking about, reading and writing History.  History is about ourselves. Now. It is about the way we see the past and how it affects our present and  future. The people, now dead, who lived in the past –  their experiences, how they ate, slept, fought and played with one another – are part of our formation. Rilke wrote:

Even the next era has no right to judge anything if it lacks the ability to contemplate the past without hatred or envy. But even that judgment would be one-sided, for every subsequent era is the fruit of previous periods and carries much of the past within it. It is fortunate if something of the ancestors lives on in it and continues to be loved and protected; only then does the past become fruitful and effective. *Early Journals*

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